Feminism and the Importance of Identity Politics Essay

To be feminist in any authentic sentiency of the term is to want for all people, female and male, liberation from sexist intention patterns, domination, and oppression. Bell Hooks succinctly sums up what it means to be a feminist, and yet when we look to the feminist transaction and feminist theorizing today, we believe a disturbingly different picture. In a social movement founded on equality for all kind-hearted beings, the patriarchy and its power structures pay back still made a negative impact in the lead this movement is shaped and perpetuated, especially in equipment casualty of intersectionality and indistinguishability administration. Whose voices be hear? What issues are prioritized? Who is considered a true feminist? When we ask how and why issues of identity and intersectionality are relevant to feminist theorizing, the answer is simple. When the true and Byzantine identities of individuals and social groups are ignored, what forms is a limiting and narrow vi ew inherently oppositional to the movements foundation and closings.Essentially, ignoring these issues means perpetuating the oppression the movement itself is act to fight. What follows is a brief analysis on three reasons why feminists should administer about identity and individuals with complex identities 1) hailing oppressions in a movement sacred to eliminating all oppression, 2) identifying the negative consequences of elision of difference, and 3) recognizing the real importance of intersectionality in terms of survival in the real world, as opposed to scarce theorizing in academics. While the feminist movement is translucently dedicated to fighting racial discrimination and any other types of isms, we see that typically marginalized groups continue to be marginalized at bottom the movement. These groups are well aware of this oppression, yet how often their voices are heard or even considered are slim to n genius. In a program line from Black feminists part of The Combahee River Collective, it is explained that there was the take to develop a politics that was anti-racist, unlike those of White women, and anti-sexist, unlike those of Black and white men (CRC 59).As members of two oppressed groups in society, Black women face the highest obstacles in their by-line of complete liberation, especially because of the dominant narrative and voices that have typically commandeered the political movement. As Kimberle Crenshaw purports, the need to split ones political energies betwixt two  fewtimes opposing groups is a dimension of intersectional disempowerment that men of wring and white women seldom confront (Crenshaw 85). The intersectional experience of White women have typically dominated the womens movement as White women have had more(prenominal)(prenominal) accessibility and opportunity to speak out/theorize academically as opposed to Black women.Thus, the experiences of Black women which are distinguishably different from the Whi te charrs are essentially absent from the discussion, an issue that is highly gnarly as it points to racism and oppression in spite of appearance a social rightness movement (not to mention a limited perspective). Feminist theorists and activists mustiness suffice sure to account for intersectional experiences in order to avoid this hypocrisy. Specifically, White feminists and activists must find that their role as genuine activists in the movement mandates a need to be educated and literate in Black story and culture, something that the Combahee River Collective has explicitly called for. As they argue, eliminating racism in the white womens movement is by definition work for white women to do, but we go forth continue to speak to and demand accountability on this issue (CRC 63). be a conscientious and fully aware member of this movement involves more than addressing intersectionality and racism within the movement. Feminist theorists need to identify the importance of 1) do the personal political, and subsequently 2) avoiding the harmful and common elision of differences between and within groups. These two thought processs slewnot happen or be fully achieved without the other. The first amount requires a great deal of honesty and self-reflection, which may come with some discomfort and pain, a reason that many individuals may avoid this introspection. As Mari Matsuda argues in her article, by claiming, exploring, and questioning my own identity in an explicit way, I seek truth, and I seek to encourage my students to do the comparable (Matsuda 75).Feminist theorists must consider the value of truth and justice bothwhere any type of discomfort or personal guilt that blocks the path towards complete liberation for all. Just as honesty is crucial in terms of oppression within the movement, it is also key in recognizing privilege. Matsuda supports this idea I do not know of any other politics of social change that works other than the one that asks people to search deeply their own location on the axes of power (Matsuda 76). Once one has a certain amount of self-awareness and recognizes their privilege, only then can they be able to avoid ignoring intragroup differences. Ergo, the White woman cannot fully understand the complexity & engagement of a Black womans experience in the movement if she does not understand her own privilege over the Black woman within the same movement.While intersectionality is sooner real in the day-to-day lives of women, feminist theory has typically categorised identity as a limiting either/or wave-particle duality between woman or person of touch, leaving women of color marginalized. In terms of vehemence against women, Crenshaw argues that this elision of difference is harmful because it is perpetuating the violence by not fully understanding how multiple dimensions of womans identity contribute to her experience. For example, in our society ruled by a racist/patriarchal structu re and system, battered women of color face exiguity and racially discriminatory employment/housing, thus have a lots harder time finding aegis and support. The elision of difference can also be harmful because it poses as a threat to solidarity ignoring intragroup differences simply continue to raise tension between these sub groups and in the end harms the get ahead of the movement, which requires everyone to stand with one another.Lastly, feminist theorists must recognize the importance of intersectionality and identity as transcendent issues that go beyond simply theorizing and play a very real role in the lives of women every day. As Crenshaw argues, The struggle over incorporating these differences is not a petty or superficial difference about who gets to sit at the head of the table. In the context of violence, it is sometimes a deadly serious matter of who lead survive and who will not (Crensaw 89). The commonly shared assumption that battering is a nonage problem, fo r example, exemplifies the issues with ignoring intersectionality/identity. Battering is a human problem, and if a Latina woman cannot get shelter from a husband threatening to kill her multiple times because she cant prove she is English-proficient, then something is very wrong.These exclusionary policies are inherently oppositional to the goal of human liberation and the womens movement, and if feminist theorists do not address this, then not only will real change carry on absent, but we will continue to lose the lives of women around the world. These are human beings that deserve to live and exercise their rights that deserve to celebrate their multi-dimensional identity, instead of remain firm from it because feminist theory and societal structure are ignoring them. Feminist theorists, we need you to be honest with yourselves and your privilege. We need you to address the complexity and beauty of every individual, help use these differences to resist against oppression ins tead of perpetuate it, and ultimately harness and use the full power of group solidarity to truly and unfeignedly fight for human liberation.